2 THEORY OF URBAN PLANNING
2.1 What is a City?
Most of our housing and city planning has been handicapped because those who have undertaken the work have had no clear notion of the social functions of the city. They sought to derive these functions from a cursory1 survey of the activities and interests of the contemporary urban scene. And they did not, apparently, suspect that there might be gross deficiencies, misdirected efforts, mistaken expenditures here that would not be set straight by merely building sanitary tenements or straightening out and widening irregular street..
大多数住房和城市规划的不完满是因为我们已经开展的工作没有清楚的城市功能社会化的概念。他们试图从当代都市景象的活动与利益中的一个粗略的调查来获得这些功能。显然他们没有怀疑这可能有严重的不足，误导努力的方向，在这错误的支出，将不会仅仅直接采用建设卫生的住宅或者整顿和拓宽不规则的道路。
The city as a purely physical fact has been subject to numerous investigations. But what is the city as a social institution? I would like sum up the sociological concept of the city in the following terms:
城市作为一个纯粹的物理事实一直受到众多调查。但是，城市作为一种社会制度是什么？我想在以下方面总结城市的社会学概念：
The city is a related collection of primary groups and purposive associations: the first, like family and neighborhood, are common to all communities2, while the
second are especially characteristic of city life. These varied groups support themselves through economic organizations that are likewise of a more or less corporate, or at least publicly regulated; and they are all housed in permanent structures, within a relatively limited area. The essential physical means of a city?s existence are the fixed site, the durable shelter, the permanent facilities for assembly, interchange, and storage; the essential social means are the social division of labor, which serves not merely the economic life but the cultural processes. The city in its complete sense, then, is a geographic plexus, an economic organization, an institutional process, a theater of social action, and an aesthetic3 symbol of collective unity. The city fosters art and is art; the city creates the theater, that man?s more purposive activities are focused, and work out, through conflicting and cooperating personalities, events, groups, into more significant culminations.
城市是主要群体和立意团体的相关集合：第一，像家人和邻里一样适用于所有社区，而第二，尤其是城市生活的特点。这些不同的团体通过差不多同样的企业或者至少是公开监管的经济组织来支撑他们自己，并且他们都坐落于一个相对有限区域内的永久性建筑物中。固定的场地是一个城市存在必不可少的物理手段，经久耐用的收容所，永久设施的组装，交换和存储，社会的基本手段是社会劳动分工，不仅是提供经济上的生活，而且要有文化的过程。那么，完整意义上的城市是一个地理丛，一个经济组织，一个制度进程，一个社会行为的剧院和一个团结集体的审美符号。城市促进和形成了艺术，城市创建了剧院，那是人类更有目的的活动焦点，并且通过争论和合作的人，事，团体来得出更重要的成就。
Without the social drama that comes into existence through the focusing and intensification of group activity there is not a single function performed in the city that
could not be performed－and has not in fact been performed－in the open country. The physical organization of the city may deflate4 this drama or make it frustrate; or it may, through the deliberate efforts of art, politics, and education, make the drama more richly significant, as a stage-set, well-designed, intensifies and underlines the gestures for nothing that men have dwelt so often on the beauty or the ugliness of cities: these attributes qualify men?s social activities. And if there is a deep reluctance on the part of the true city dweller to leave his cramped quarters for the physically more benign5 environment of a suburb－even a model garden suburb!－his instincts are usually justified: in its very opportunities for social disharmony and conflict, the city creates drama; the suburb lacks it.
没有通过聚焦和集约化的组团活动来使社会剧的存在，在城市中这不是一个单独功能的进行，那是在开放的国家无法执行的，而事实上也并没有执行。城市的物理组织可能使这部剧没有锐气或使其挫败，也可能通过刻意在艺术、政治、教育上的努力，来作为一个精心设计的舞台，使这个剧有更加丰富的意义，加剧并强调着人类常常居住在美丽或是丑陋的城市的这种毫无意义的示意：这些属性符合人类的社会活动。并且如果一部分真正的城市居民极不愿意离开自己的狭窄住处去物理环境更加良好的郊区或是一个公园式的郊区-他的直觉通常是合理的：在这碰到社会的不和谐和斗争的机会很多，城市导演了这场戏;郊区却是没有的。
One may describe the city, in its social aspect, as a special framework directed toward the creation of differentiated opportunities for a common life and a significant collective drama. As indirect forms of association, with the aid of signs and symbols and specialized organizations, supplement direct face-to-face intercourse, the
personalities of the citizens themselves become many-faceted：they reflect their specialized interests, their more intensively trained aptitudes, their finer discriminations6 and selections: the personality no longer presents a more or less unbroken traditional face to reality as a whole. Here lies the possibility of personal disintegration7 ; and here lies the need for reintegration through wider participation in a concrete and visible collective whole. What men cannot imagine as a vague formless society, they can live through and experience as citizens in a city. Their unified plans and buildings become a symbol of their social relatedness; and when the physical environment itself becomes disordered and incoherent8, the social functions that it harbors become more difficult to express.
在社会方面可以这样描绘城市，作为一个特殊的指导体系去为一个共同的生活和一个重要的集体剧去创造差异化的机会。有标志和符号的援助以及专门组织作为间接形式的协会，补充了直接面对面的交流，市民自己的个性变得很多样：他们反映自己的特殊爱好，他们更集中地锻炼了天赋，他们指出了区别和选择：在现实面前个性作为一个整体几乎不再呈现出不间断的传统了。这里的个体可能解散，并且这里需要通过更广泛地参与一个具体可见的整个集体来再整合。什么人无法想象一个模糊的无形的社会，他们可以生活和体会在城市中作为一个公民。他们的统一规划和建筑成为一种社会关联的象征，当物理环境本身变得无序和混乱时，它怀有的社会功能将变得更加难以表达。
One further conclusion follows from this concept of the city: social facts are primary, and the physical organization of a city, its industries and its markets, its lines of communication and traffic, must be subservient9 to its social needs. Whereas in the development of the city during the last century we expanded the physical plant
recklessly and treated the essential social nucleus, the organs of government and education and social service, as mere afterthought, today we must treat the social nucleus as the essential element in every valid city plan: the spotting and inter-relationship of schools, libraries, theaters, community centers is the first task in defining the urban neighborhood and laying down the outlines of an integrated city.
一个从城市概念中进一步得出的结论如下：社会真实是主要的，并且是一个城市的物理组织，其行业和市场，通信的线路和交通，都必须屈从于它的社会需求。然而在上个世纪城市的发展里，我们的扩大了物理设施并且处理了必要的社会核心，而政府和教育及社会服务机构，仅仅作为可有可无的东西，今天我们必须把社会核心的基本要素运用在每一个有效的城市规划上：发现学校，图书馆，影剧院和社区中心的相互关系是在确定城市地区，划定一个的综合性城市轮廓的第一位任务。