东北大学秦皇岛分校毕业设计（论文） 第 31 页
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东北大学秦皇岛分校毕业设计（论文） 第 32 页
附 录
译文1 Karl Pearson and the Establishment of Mathematical
Statistics
At the end of the nineteenth century, the content and practice of statistics underwent a series of transitions that led to its emergence as a highly specialized mathematical discipline. These intellectual and later institutional changes were, in part, brought about by a mathematical-statistical translation of Charles Darwin’s redefinition of the biological species as something that could be viewed in terms of populations. Weldon’s work on the shore crab in Naples and Plymouth from 1892 to 1895 not only brought them into the forefront of ideas of speciation and provided the impetus to Pearson’s earliest statistical innovations, but it also led to Pearson shifting his professional interests from having had an established career as a mathematical physicist to developing one as a biometrician. The innovative statistical work Pearson undertook with Weldon in 1892 and later with Francis Galton in 1894 enabled him to lay the foundations of modern mathematical statistics. While Pearson’s diverse publications, his establishment of four laboratories and the creation of new academic departments underscore the plurality of his work, the main focus of his life-long career was in the establishment and promulgation of his statistical methodology.
The celebration of Karl Pearson’s 150-thbirthday led to two commemorations in 2007.Theone in March was sponsored by the Royal Statistical Society in London while the one in July was for the International Statistical Institute’s biennial meeting held in Lisbon. We commemorated his legacy as a statistician and as the principal person who established what many statisticians regard as the first phase of modern mathematical statistics. Pearson was a prodigious and consummate literary polymath whose quest for philosophical, spiritual, and numerical truth was his lifelong odyssey. As a student of the Cambridge Mathematics Tripos system, Pearson learned to use applied mathematics as a pedagogical tool for determining the truth; that is, ―one that provided the standards and the means of producing reliable knowledge‖ (Warwick, 2004). This training set him on his life-mission to find the truth. When he did not find this truth in religion, literature, or mathematical physics, he began to look for the truth in statistics, especially in the geometry of statistics. Nevertheless, Pearson (20 June 1879) also realized that the ―truth is relative‖ and‖ what is the truth for one man may be the untruth for someone else‖.
Pearson’s ―arresting‖ appearance was characterised by a former student (Anon, 1936) as
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a‖ typical Greek athlete, with finely cut features, crisp curly hair and a magnificent physique‖—reaching a height of six feet (Pearson, 8 June 1877). Even as an older gentleman, Constance Reid (1982) thought he resembled ―an old English duke with a wonderful face [who] was an extremely beautiful old man‖. He was regarded as a pertinacious conversationalist, and in any personal discussion his humorous twinkle with his grey eyes was disarming. Though he fought for the acceptance of his statistical methodology and sometimes found it hard to see both sides of an academic argument, he eschewed intellectual debates and quite often relied on the Darwinian zoologist, W.F.R. Weldon (1860–1906) to defend him from the trenchant attacks of others.
By the time Pearson (1877) was 22, he had ―definitely rejected Christianity perhaps more from disgust of its profession than of real knowledge of its virtues and vices‖. He subsequently adopted ―free thought‖ as a nonreligious faith that was grounded in science, and distinguished his views from a ―freethinker‖ who was a person who formed opinions about religion on the basis of reason without recourse to authority or established beliefs (Porter 2004, p. 108). His socialist outlook was similar to the Fabians (Mackenzie, 1981) who encouraged gradual changes in society rather than Marxist revolutions. Nevertheless, Pearson never joined the Fabian Society, despite the requests from Sidney and Beatrice Webb in 1885. Socialism was a form of morality for Pearson (19 March 1912); the moral was social and the immoral was anti-social in conduct. It was the interplay between his energetic drive, his educational training from the Cambridge Mathematics Tripos system and his intellectually intimate relationship with Weldon, which enabled Pearson to create a new methodology that became the cornerstone of modern mathematical statistics.
卡尔·皮尔森和数理统计的建立
在19世纪的结束,统计数据的内容和实践经历了一系列的转变,导致了它的出现作为一个高度专业化的数学学科。这些知识和制度变迁之后,带来的数理统计翻译在某种程度上,查尔斯达尔文的生物物种重新定义可以观看的人群。韦尔登的工作在岸边蟹在那不勒斯和普利茅斯从1892年到1895年,不仅将他们带入的前沿思想的物种形成和皮尔森最早的统计创新提供了动力,但同时也导致了皮尔森将他的职业利益从有一个既定的职业生涯作为一个数学物理学家发展作为动物统计学家之一。创新统计工作皮尔森进行了1892年与韦尔登在1894年与弗朗西斯·高尔顿,后来使他现代数理统计的奠定基
东北大学秦皇岛分校毕业设计（论文） 第 34 页
础。在培生各种各样的出版物,建立四个实验室和创建新的学术部门强调多元化的工作,他的终身事业的主要焦点是在建立和公布他的统计方法。
卡尔·皮尔森的诞辰150周年导致两个2007年纪念活动。在3月时由伦敦皇家统计学会国际统计研究所的一个7月在里斯本举行的两年一次的会议。我们纪念他的遗产作为统计学家和校长的人建立了许多统计学家认为现代数理统计的第一阶段。皮尔森是一个庞大和完善文学博学的追求哲学的精神,和数值的真相是他一生的奥德赛。作为剑桥大学的一个学生的数学考试中系统,皮尔森学会应用数学作为一种教学工具用于确定真相;也就是说,“提供的标准和手段,生产可靠的知识”(华威,2004)。这个训练集他的人生使命找到真相。当他没有发现这个真理在宗教、文学、或数学物理,他开始寻找真相的统计数据,尤其是在几何数据。不过,皮尔森(1879年6月20日)也意识到“真理是相对的”和“什么是一个人的真相可能是别人的谎言”。
皮尔森的“逮捕”外表的特征是学生(不久,1936)作为“典型的希腊运动员,精细切割特性,脆的卷发和宏伟的体格”达到六英尺高(皮尔森,1877年6月8日)。即使一个年长的绅士,康斯坦斯里德(1982)认为他就像“一个古老的英语公爵用美妙的脸是一个非常美丽的老人”。他被认为是一个顽固的健谈的人,在任何个人讨论他的幽默和他的灰色眼睛闪烁被解除。尽管他接受他的统计方法,有时发现很难看到双方的学术争论,他有意避开知识辩论和经常依赖于达尔文的动物学家,W.F.R.韦尔登(1860 - 1906)为他辩护的犀利攻击别人。
皮尔森(1877)22岁的时候,他“绝对拒绝基督教或许更从厌恶的职业比真正的知识的美德和恶习”。他随后采用“自由思想”作为一个非宗教的信仰,是建立在科学和杰出的他的观点“自由思想家”的人的基础上形成了对宗教的看法原因不诉诸于权威或建立信仰(波特2004年,p . 2004)。他的社会主义前景类似误解(Mackenzie,1981)鼓励逐步改变社会而不是马克思主义革命。不过,皮尔森从未加入了费边社,尽管从1885年西德尼和比阿特丽斯韦伯的请求。社会主义是一种道德培生(1912年3月19日),道德是社会和不道德的是反社会的行为。二者之间的相互作用,他精力充沛,他从剑桥的数学考试中系统教育培训与韦尔登和他的智力上的亲密关系,使皮尔逊创建一个新的方法,成为现代数理统计的基础。
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译文2 Drawing the Boundaries: Mathematical Statistics in
20th-Century America
Statistics in Europe and in the United States acquired the status of a separate field only in the 20th century. Until then, it had provided a quantitative tool for analyzing data in various sciences. In the early 1930s, the founding of the Annals of Mathematical Statistics and of the Institute of Mathematical Statistics served to institutionalize the profession of mathematical statistics in the United States, and helped to distinguish it as a discipline independent from the social sciences which had previously supported it. This paper examines the American mathematical statisticians’ attempts to delineate the boundaries of their profession, focusing on their association with the social sciences, on the founding of the Annals and of the IMS，and on the profession’s continuing advancement during World War II.
For some time there has been a feeling that the theory of statistics would be advanced in the United States by the formation of an organization of those persons especially interested in the mathematical aspects of the subject. As a consequence, a meeting of interested persons was arranged for September 12, 1935, at Ann Arbor, Michigan. At the meeting, it was decided to form an organization to be known as the Institute of Mathematical Statistics. The event heralded by this proclamation declared the existence of what was becoming a scientific community, an association of scholars who defined their field of study as distinct from other subjects, and who institutionalized their means of sharing ideas with one another.
The last two decades of the 19th century had already seen the formation of the major academic disciplines in the United States. In fields as disparate as chemistry, economics, and mathematics, practitioners had begun to pursue more specialized studies, had organized national associations and publications, and had established academic departments in major research universities. As the process of specialization continued into the 20th century, subspecialties emerged and professionalized by a process similar to that followed by their parent disciplines. In particular, the case of mathematical statistics highlights the critical role played in this process by the founding of a journal and a national association.
Major disciplines in the humanities and in the natural and social sciences had formed national organizations and begun journals by the turn of the century, each with slightly different needs in mind. Although it initially placed some emphasis on pedagogical problems when it was founded in 1886, the Modern Language Association quickly shifted its focus to promoting scholarship in order to gain legitimacy for its disciplines in the domain of higher education [50; 67]. In the natural sciences, publications such as the American Journal of