that nuclear scientists of the West can be blamed for thinking the work urgent and necessary. Even Einstein favored it. When, however, the German war was finished, the great majority of those scientists who had collaborated towards making the A-bomb considered that it should not be used against the Japanese, who were already on the verge of defeat and, in any case, did not constitute such a menace to the world as Hitler. Many of them made urgent representations to the American Government advocating that, instead of using the bomb as a weapon of war, they should after a public announcement, explode it in a desert, and that future control of nuclear energy should be placed in the hands of an international authority. Seven of the most eminent of nuclear scientists drew up what is known as \Secretary of War in June 1945. This is a very admirable and far-seeing document, and if it had won the assent of the politicians, none of our subsequent terrors would have arisen.
17. We may infer that the writer's attitude towards the A-bomb is that ______.
A it is a necessary evil
B it is a terrible threat to the whole of mankind C it played a vital part in defeating the Japanese D it was a wonderful invention
该题您未回答:х 该问题分值: 2
答案:B
可以推断，作者对原子弹的看法是它严重地威胁着全人类。答案的依据是第一段第一句。
18.
The American and British scientists were astonished at the end of the Second World War against Germany because ______.
A the Germans had been defeated without the use of nuclear weapons B the Western countries had won before they had invented nuclear weapons
C they thought the Germans would probably win the war
D the Germans had made little progress in developing nuclear weapons
该题您未回答:х 该问题分值: 2
答案:D
在抗击德国的二战结束以后，美国和英国科学家感到吃惊，因为德国人在研制核武器方面没有取得多大进展。作者在第四段说，二战结束后，美国和英国科学家十分吃惊地发现德国人离成功遥遥无期。众所周知，德国人在制造出核武器之前就已经战败。
19.
According to the writer, most scientists who had helped in making the A-bomb considered that it should not be used against the Japanese because ______.
A it was such a dangerous weapon
B its use against the Japanese was unnecessary C it was a very inhumane weapon D the German war was finished
该题您未回答:х 该问题分值: 2
答案:B
根据作者在观点，大多数协助制造原子弹的科学家认为原子弹不应该用于打击日本人，因为用它来打击日本人是没有必要的。作者在最后一段开头指出，大多数合作制造原子弹的科学家认为原子弹不应当用来抗击日军，因为日本人濒于战败；原子弹给世界造成的威胁比不上希特勒给世界造成的威胁。
20.
It is implied that the nuclear scientists ______.
A might not have agreed to develop the bomb if there had been no Nazi threat
B would have developed the bomb even without the Nazi threat C would have made the bomb, under peace-time conditions, but only for the use of an international authority
D developed the bomb because Einstein thought it urgent and necessar
该题您未回答:х 该问题分值: 2
答案:A
短文暗示，如果没有纳粹的威胁，核科学家们就有可能不同意研制原子弹。答案的依据是第四段第一句。
Part Ⅱ English-Chinese Translation
Directions: Read the following passage carefully and then translate the underlined sentences into Chinese and write your translation on the ANSWER SHEET. 1. American hopes that pressure from the U S will force Japan to suddenly dismantle its trade harriers are almost certain to evaporate in disappointment. The fact is that Washington faces an obstacle far more formidable than a few power brokers in Tokyo's government offices. It must buck centuries-old, deeply ingrained Japanese customs. To move the Japanese government, Washington must move an entire nation.
So far, the U S has had only limited success despite congressional threats to retaliate. In an April 9 nationwide broadcast, Prime Minster Yasuhiro Nakasone urged the Japanese to buy more imported goods and unveiled a long-awaited three-year plan to ease import restrictions. But his program was far short of what Washington hoped to see.
White House Chief of Staff Donald Regan said the Japanese offered \or immediate measures.\telecommunications gear, medicine and medical equipment, it offered no relief for American forest products--which are among the most contentious trade issues. Nakasone gives every sign of being Sincere in his desire to reduce a Japanese surplus in trade with the U S that hit 36.8 billion dollars in 1984 and could soon top 50 billion. 2. Yet to rely on any one Japanese political leader, no matter how popular he is at home, to reverse trade policies is to underestimate the culture and traditions that weigh heavily against a breakthrough. Big business and dozens of anonymous bureaucrats have as much power as Japan's top selected leaders.
\ridiculous, \\vested interests are being shaken and slowly moved, but at a pace too slow for the eye to follow.\
That view is echoed by a U S diplomat closely involved in the efforts to open Japanese markets to American goods, Washington's stock solution to the ballooning trade imbalance.
3. \he says. \a batch of general proposals, no matter how well-intentioned they are.\
Beyond specific tariffs of other official barriers to imports, experts here say that the U S faces these obstacles:
Nearly total domination of the Japanese market by a few dozen giant
conglomerates that strongly oppose even token competition--be it from abroad or emerging domestic firms.
An elite, thickly layered bureaucracy that historically has drafted laws and
regulations as well as enforced them, and both of these powers would be threatened by trade reforms.
A longtime relationship between business and government that critics say fosters collusion and hinders foreign entry into domestic markets.
Adamant support for import restrictions among Japanese farmers, one of the most powerful political forces.
4. A highly developed sense of loyalty to established practices and
relationships that often outweighs any \to society as a whole or, in some cases, even personal best interest. Esteem for caution and consensus in decision-making at all societal levels and conversely, resentment of governmental fiats or one-man decrees--even if that man is the head of government. Compounding Washington's problem is Nakasone's weak position within his own party, the Liberal Democrats, who have ruled Japan for 30 years. His standing is so complex and fragile that he has been forced to yield all but three of 2l cabinet positions to rival political factions. His cabinet colleagues are far less committed than he is to trade reforms, making it difficult for the Prime Minister to muscle proposals through either the bureaucracy or the Diet, Japan's parliament.
The existence of \conspiring to advance economically at any cost--is a topic of debate among both Japanese and outsiders. But there is no dispute over how the system actually works. 1.
该题您未回答:х 该问题分值: 5 2.
该题您未回答:х 该问题分值: 5
然而，不管日本任何一位政治领袖在国内是多么地深孚众望，依赖他彻底扭转贸易政策意味着低估对突破性进展产生很大影响的文化和传统。一些大企业和数十位不知名的官僚的权力像日本选举出来的上层领导人的权力一样大。1952年以来就在日本生活和工作的一位美国商人说：“目前要想使情况好转的想法显然是荒唐的，既得利益正被削弱并且逐渐地受到动摇，不过动摇的速度很慢，肉眼是无法察觉的。”
3.
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“日本是一个讲关系的社会而不是一个照章办事的社会”，他说道：“你无法用一次电视讲话或几条一般性的提议来改变这样一种体制，无论电视讲话和提议的用意好到什么程度。特权阶层铁板一块的官僚体制，这个官僚体制有史以来一直制订并强制推行法律和法规，这两种权力都会受到贸易改革的威胁。
4.
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对已形成的风俗和关系的无比忠诚胜过对整个社会的“尊重”，在某些情况下甚至胜过个人的最大利益。在每个社会阶层的决策中，要尊重谨言慎行和意见的一致。相反，要怨恨政府的法令或一个人的法令——即使这个人是政府首脑。
Part Ⅲ Chinese-English Translation
Directions: Translate the following short paragraphs into English and write your translation on the ANSWER SHEET.
1.
1．他是个极其自负的怪人。除非事情与自己有关，否则他从来不屑对世界或世人瞧上一眼。对他来说，他不仅是世界上最重要的人物，而且在他眼里，他是唯一活在世界上的人。他认为自己是世界上最伟大戏剧家之一、最伟大的思想家之一、最伟大的作曲家之一。听听他的谈话，仿佛他就是莎士比亚、贝多芬、柏拉图，集三人于一身。想要听到他的高论十分容易，他是世上最能使人精疲力竭的健谈者之一。同他度过一个夜晚，就是听他一个人滔滔不绝地讲一个晚上。有时，他才华横溢；有时，他又令人极其厌烦。但无论是妙趣横生还是枯燥无味，他的谈话只有一个主题：他自己，他的所思所为。 2．他狂妄地认为自己总是正确的。任何人在最无足轻重的问题上露出丝毫的异议，都会激起他的谴责。他可能会一连好几个小时滔滔不绝，千方百计地证明自己如何如何正确。有了这种使人耗尽心力的雄辩本事，听者最后都被他弄得头昏脑胀，耳朵发聋，为了图个清净，只好同意他的说法。