新标准大学英语综合教程3课文与翻译
Sheldon Fein, the sallow mamma's boy on 们甚至找谢尔登 ? 费恩来充当恶our block who was left out of the boys' 棍。他是街区里一个脸色苍白、胆games because he cried whenever
小怕事的孩子，没有男孩儿愿意和anybody tagged him and always managed 他玩，因为一有人追他他就哭，而to fall down and skin his fat knees.
且老是自己摔倒在地，擦伤他那胖7 At first, we had to prompt Sheldon in 胖的膝盖。
his part, but after a while he became an 一开始我们还得教谢尔登怎么expert on inventing tortures and even 扮演他的角色，可没过多久他就变carried them out in private, beyond the 成了一位发明虐刑的专家，甚至私game.He used to pull the wings from flies 下里悄悄实施他的刑罚。他常常扯and the legs off grasshoppers, and keep 下苍蝇的翅膀，揪掉蚱蜢的腿，并the broken insects captive in a jar hidden 把这些残废了的昆虫囚禁在瓶子under his bed where he could take them 里，藏到床底下，这样他就可以偷out in secret and watch them
偷把它们拿出来，看着它们痛苦挣struggling.David and I never played with 扎的样子。戴维和我只在课间休息Sheldon except at recess. After school we 的时候和谢尔登玩，放学后我们就left him to his mamma and his bonbons 让他回家跟他的妈妈、棒棒糖以及and his helpless insects.
那些无助的昆虫为伴。
8 At the time my Uncle Frank was living 那时候，弗兰克舅舅住在我们with us while waiting to be drafted, and I 家，等着参军。我肯定他和隐姓埋was sure that he bore an extraordinary 名的超人长得特别像。戴维却看不resemblance to Superman incognito.David 出我舅舅和超人有多么相像，但他couldn't see the likeness as clearly as I did, 承认弗兰克舅舅是他这辈子所见过but he admitted that Uncle Frank was the 的最强壮的人，而且他会变很多戏strongest man he had ever known, and 法，比如用餐巾一盖上糖果，糖就could do lots of tricks like making
没了，他还能倒立行走。 caramels disappear under napkins and
walking on his hands.
Unit2-2
Cultural Childhoods 不同文化的童年
1 When I look back on my own childhood in 每当我回顾20世纪七八十the 1970sand 1980s and compare it with 年代我的童年时光，并将它与现children today, itreminds me of that famous 在孩子的童年相比较时，就会想sentence \起句名言：“往昔是异国他乡，do things differently there\
那里有着不同的习俗”（可参见Hartley's novel The Go-Between). Even in a L.P.哈特利的小说《传信人》） 。relatively short period of time, I can see the 甚至在相对短暂的一段时间内，enormous transformations that have taken 我也能够察觉到儿童的生活以place in children's lives and in the ways they 及人们对待儿童的方式上所经are thought about and treated.
历的巨大变化。
2 Looking further back I can see vast 回顾更久远的岁月，我可以differences betweencontemporary and
看到现在和古代童年生活的巨historical childhoods. Today, children have few
大差别。如今的儿童责任很少，
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新标准大学英语综合教程3课文与翻译
responsibilities, their lives are characterized by 他们生活的主要内容是玩耍而
play not work, school not paid labour, family rather than public life and consumption
instead of production. Yet this is all relatively recent. A hundred years ago, a 12 year old working in a factory would have been perfectly acceptable. Now, it would cause social
services' intervention and the prosecution of both parents and factory owner.
3 The differences between the expectations placed on children today and those placed on them in the past are neatlysummed up by two American writers, Barbara Ehrenreich
andDeirdre English. Comparing childhoods in America today withthose of the American
colonial period (1600–1776), they havewritten: \shoes isimpressive. In colonial times, four-year-old girls knitted stockingsand mittens and could produce
intricateembroidery: At age sixthey spun wool. A good, industrious little girl was called 'Mrsinstead of 'Miss' in appreciation of her contribution to the familyeconomy: She was not, strictly speaking, a child.\
4 These changing ideas about children have ledmany socialscientists to claim that
childhood is a\thisterm to meanthat understandings of childhood are not the sameeverywhere and that while all societies acknowledge
thatchildren are different from adults, how they are different and what expectations are placed on them, change according to the society in which they live.
5 Social anthropologistshave shown this in theirstudies of peoples with very different understandingsof the world to Western ones. Jean Briggs has workedwith the Inuit of the Canadian Arctic and has described how, within these communities, growing up is largelyseen as a process of acquiring thought, reason and understanding (known in Inuit as ihuma). Young childrendon't possess these qualities
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非工作，上学而非劳动，在家里呆着而不是和外界交往，消费而非生产。这种变化也是最近才显现出来的。一百年前，12 岁的孩子在工厂打工是完全可以接受的事情，而现在，这会招来社会服务机构的介入，其父母和工厂主会被起诉。
有两位美国作家，芭芭拉·埃伦里奇和迪尔德丽·英格利希，她们简要地概括了过去和现在人们对儿童的期待的差异。在比较美国现在的儿童和殖民地时期（1600–1776）的儿童时，她们写道：“今天，如果一个四岁的孩子能自己系鞋带就很了不起了。而在殖民地时期，四岁的女孩会织长筒袜和连指手套，能做复杂的刺绣，六岁就能纺毛线了。一个善良勤快的女孩被称为‘夫人’而不是‘小姐’，这是为了表彰她对家庭经济的贡献，严格说来她不是一个孩子了。
对儿童的看法不断变化着，这使得许多社会科学家宣称童年是一种“社会建构”。他们用这个术语来说明不同的地区对童年的理解是不一样的，虽然所有社会都承认儿童与成年人有区别，至于他们之间有何不同，人们对儿童又有何期待，不同的社会给出了不一样的答案。
社会人类学家在研究那些跟西方国家持有不同世界观的民族时也表明了这个观点。琼·布里格斯研究过加拿大北极地区的伊努伊特人，她描述了在这些社会群落中成长是怎样大体上被看成是一个获得思想、理性和理解力（伊努伊特人称之为 ihuma）的过程。小孩子不具备
新标准大学英语综合教程3课文与翻译
and are easily angered, cry frequently and are 这些素质，所有才容易生气，常incapable of understanding the external 常会哭，无法理解群落所面临的difficulties facing the community, such as 诸如食物短缺之类的外在困难。shortages of food. Because they can't be
由于无法跟他们讲理，即便讲了reasoned with, and don't understand, parents 他们也不明白，父母对他们很宽treat them with a great deal of tolerance and 容、很温和。一直要等到他们年leniency. It's only when they are older and
龄大一点，并开始有自己的思想begin to acquire thought that parents attempt 时，父母才会尝试着去管教他to teach them or discipline them.
们，约束他们。
6 In contrast, childrenon the Pacific island of 相反，根据海伦·莫顿的研Tonga,studied by Helen Morton, are regularly 究，太平洋岛国汤加的儿童经常beaten by theirparents and older siblings. 挨父母和哥哥姐姐的打。人们认They are seen as beingcloser to mad people 为儿童和成年人相比更像疯子，than adults because they lackthe highly prized 因为他们缺乏被大家看重的社quality of social competence (or potoas the 会能力（汤加人称之为 poto）。Tongans call it). They are regularly told off 小孩子经常因为笨手笨脚而挨forbeing clumsy and a child who falls over may 骂，他们连摔跤都会被嘲笑、呵be laughedat, shouted at, or beaten. Children 斥，甚至被打。人们认为儿童很are thought of asmischievous; they cry or want 顽皮，都是因为淘气他们才哭to feed simply because they are naughty, and 闹，或者要东西吃。在大人看来，beatings are at their most severebetweenthe 三至五岁的儿童尤其任性，因此ages of three and five when children areseen 他们打这个年龄段的孩子也打as particularly wilful. Parents believe that 得最狠。父母们相信，只有靠训socialcompetence can only be achieved 导和体罚才能使孩子获得社会through disciplineand physical punishment, 能力，所以他们用一种在外人看and treat their children in waysthat have 来非常严厉的方式对待孩子。
seemed very harsh to outsiders.
7 In other cases, ideas about children are 在其他的例子中，有关儿童radicallydifferent. For example, the Beng, a 的观念则截然不同。例如，西非small ethnic group inWest Africa, assume that 的一个叫孟加拉的很小的族群very young children know andunderstand 认为，不管说什么、用什么语言everything that is said to them, in
说，小孩子都能听明白，并且能whateverlanguage they are addressed. The 理解。另一位人类学家阿尔Beng, who've been extensively studied by 玛·戈特利布对孟加拉族进行了another anthropologist, AlmaGottlieb, believe 广泛的研究，孟加拉族人认为小in a spirit world where children livebefore they 孩子出生前居住在灵界，在那里are born and where they know all
他们通晓人类所有的语言，能理humanlanguages and understand all cultures. 解所有的文化。灵界的生活很惬Life in the spirit world is very pleasant and the 意，小孩子在那里有很多朋友，children have manyfriends there and are often 他们通常极不愿意离开那儿，来very reluctant to leave it for an earthly family 到地球上的家庭中（本·奥克雷(a fictional account of a spirit child's journey 的小说《饥饿之路》就描述了一between the spirit and the earthly world is 个小孩在灵界和人世之间往返given in Ben Okri's novel, The Famished Road).
的故事） 。他们出生后仍然与
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新标准大学英语综合教程3课文与翻译
When they are born, they remain in contact
那个世界保持长达数年的联系，
with this other world for several years, and 如果没有得到良好的照顾，他们may decide to return there if they are not 就可能要返回灵界。因此，父母properly looked after. So parents treat young 们悉心照料孩子，以免他们受到children with great care so that they're not 诱惑，回归灵界，而且对他们也tempted to return, and also with some 有几分敬畏，因为他们具备大人reverence, because they're in contact with the 所不具备的通灵的本领。 spirit world in a way that adults aren't. 8 There's a tendency to view children in the 在英国及其他西方国家，越UK, andin the Western world in general, as 来越多的人认为儿童缺乏能力，incompetent anddependent. But this isn't the 依赖性强。但也不是全世界的人case throughout the world. In many societies 都持这种看法。在很多社会里孩children work and contribute to thefamily in 子从小就开始工作，寻找各种机whatever way they can from a very early age. A 会为家里挣钱。以看管孩子为good example of this is childcare. In the UK, it 例，在英国，14岁以下的儿童is illegal for a child under the age of 14 to look 在没有成人监督的情况下照看after another childunsupervised, because 其他孩子是非法的，因为人们认they're deemed incompetent and 为他们缺少看孩子的能力和责irresponsible. In other cultures, this is not the 任心。而在其他文化里，情况并case. Michelle Johnson has written about the 非如此。米歇尔·约翰逊曾写过Fulani of West Africa describing how by the 西非的富拉尼族女孩四岁就得age of four, girls are expected to be able to 照看年幼的弟弟妹妹，要打水、care for their younger siblings, fetch water and 拾柴，六岁就得舂米、挤奶、做firewood and by the age of six will be 黄油，并和妈妈一起到市场上去pounding grain, producing milk and butter 贩卖这些东西。 and selling these alongside their mothers in the market. 9 Across the world, among the Yanamam? of 另一位人类学家拿破仑·沙theAmazonian rainforest, another 尼翁证实了在世界的另一端，地anthropologist, NapoleonChagnon, has shown 处亚马逊雨林的亚那马莫族孩how different these children's childhoods 子的童年与西方孩子的童年有are from Western ones, and also how 什么不同，以及那里的男孩儿女differently boys and girls grow up in 孩儿们跟世界其他地方的男孩comparison with other parts of the world. He 儿女孩儿的成长方式的差异。他has written how aYanamam? girl is expected 写道，亚那马莫族女孩儿很小就to help her mother from a young age and by 得帮妈妈做家务，到十岁就开始the age of ten will be running ahouse. By the 管家。到十二、三岁时可能就结age of 12 or 13 she is probably married and 婚生子了。男孩儿的责任则要少will have started to have babies. Boys on the 得多，他们比女孩儿晚结婚，可other hand, have far fewer responsibilities. 以玩到十八九岁。西方的童年观They don't marry until later than girls and are 在这里根本不适用，因为这里的allowed to play well into their teens. Western 人们对儿童的能力和责任有着notions of childhood simply do not \完全不同的理解。 these cases, where children's competence and
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新标准大学英语综合教程3课文与翻译
responsibilities are understood very differently.
10 Social anthropologists ask questions
社会人类学家探寻的是在about howchildhood, and the role of children, 他们所研究的族群里人们是如is seen within thecommunities they study,
何看待童年，以及儿童扮演的角rather than how it fits intoWestern ideas about 色问题，而不是研究那些地区的childhood. By doing this theyseek to avoid 童年观是否符合西方的观念。他imposing outside ideas onto people withvery 们这么做是为了避免把外界的different understandings of the world or of 观念强加给那些持不同世界观makingvalue judgments on other people's 的人身上，或者是为了避免对其ways of raising theirchildren. While Westerners 他民族养育孩子的方式作价值might take exception to eight-year-old girls 观方面的判断。西方人可能会反working or to 12-year-old girls
对八岁的女孩儿打工，反对12marrying,within their own communities such 岁的女孩结婚，但在他们自己的activities are seen as a normal and positive 族群里，这些事情被视为童年生part of childhood. Indeed, seenthrough the 活的一个积极的常态。的确，在eyes of non-Westerners, many
非西方人看来，许多“正常的”\西方育儿方式极其怪异，可能对as extremelybizarre and possibly harmful to 孩子是有害的。让孩子在自己的children. Placing childrenin rooms of their 屋里呆着，想吃东西的时候不给own, refusing to feed them on demand,or 他们吃，或者任由他们哭闹而不letting them cry rather than immediately 赶快去安抚他们，这些在很多社tending tothem, are viewed very negatively in 会里都是不对的事情，会让人觉many societies andlead some to think that 得西方人根本不懂得如何照看Westerners don't know how tolook after 孩子。
children properly.
11 Childhood is a changing social
童年是一种处于变化之中phenomenon, of continual fascination and 的社会现象，具有持续的吸引concern. Looking at it from a cross-cultural 力，并且不断受到关注。从跨文perspective shows the wide variety
化角度来看待这个问题能展示ofchildhoods that exist across the world and 出世界上各种各样的童年生活，warns againstinterfering in or criticizing
并警示我们不要随意干涉或指people whose lives, and understandings of the 责那些生活方式及世界观跟我world, are very different to ourown. All 们不一样的人。所有的社会都承societies recognize that children are
认儿童和成年人是不同的，他们differentto adults and have particular qualities 有自己独特的品性和需求；人类and needs; whatanthropologists and other 学家和社会科学家感兴趣的是social scientists are interestedin are the ideas 每个社会对儿童的天性都有什that each society has about the natureof 么样的看法，以及这些看法又如childhood and the impact these views have 何影响儿童的生活。 onchildren's lives.
Unit2-3
Childhood around the world
世界各地的童年
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