展，目的为引进一种受到私营企业影响的新的公共管理哲学，结果也叫英国的公共服务逐渐离开其自19世纪中叶赖以建立的原则。
权力下放标志着地方民主的回归，而地方政府代表很快也扮演这种角色。地方自治的确立包含着各方面的公共政策，包括社会服务、经济发展、文化、基建、城市规划及环境保护等。渐渐的，一种管治模式慢慢在三个国家建立，虽然只有在英国它以法律（2000年的地方政府法）被间接的确认下来。这个原则就成为了服务创新以及地方回应公民的集体需要的基础。地方的行动能力逐渐在扩展；而一些跨地方的功能性组织也在发展。
但是，法国与西班牙的情况跟英国不太一样。 在法国及西班牙，权力下放意味着对地方政府的赋权并给予更大的自由。而在英国，在地方层次的“福利国家化”反而让中央政府对地方有更大的控制权。80年代以及贝利亚政府的改革在这方面是一致的。 公共管理的现代化遵循着之前提到的原则而进行，实际上让地方政府的权力有所缩减。原因是一方面，中央政府对某些政策范畴加强了控制（如教育，地方税收上限）；另一方面，一些地方公共服务被市场化。再者，新的管理随伴着新的绩效标准以及新的监控方式。
除了权力下放，国家公共服务的自由化，随伴着欧洲新的关于公共工程合约法律的出台，加强了地方公共服务供给的竞争，也增加了地方政府选择地方服务管理模式的自由。原则上，该法律并没有指定使用私营或委托管理方式。但是，它大大的增加了使用市场力量的义务。 针对法国及西班牙的地方公共服务法律也显示出这些改革的范畴及现实。研究这两个国家的系统特别相关，因为使用私营管理的要求就在它们的传统中。 私营的管理很多时候假设有私人的资金来源来支持一项服务甚至一项基建；私营公司的管理也意味着以商业原则去提供服务，并受到私营公司的相关法例规管。 在西班牙的法律，地方公共组织的地位非常有弹性，很多时候也是通过立法来产生。 这些组织受到私营企业的法律规管，并使用通用的管理系统来管理，员工只现有一般劳工的地位。 这些要求、标准制约着地方选择服务管理模式的自由。
第五章 What Is Community?
什么是社区
Communities are natural human associations based on ties of relationship and shared experiences in which we mutually meaning in our lives, meet needs, and accomplish the persons we were meant to become, discover meaning, generate ethical values, and develop a culture a culture which would be impossible for single, isolated individuals to accomplish alone. 社区是基于各种相互联系和共同经历而形成的自然的人类组织.在社区里,我们的生活互相影响,包括如何满足需要,如何成为我们理想中的人,意义的发现,伦理价值的产生,以及开创一种文化.这种文化对于单独的,孤立的个体来说是不可能创造的.
When we talk about community, we talk about two things simultaneously. Community is located in space and time and it exists beyond space and time. Community is embodied in a space, structure, and presence, but community transcends location; it cannot confined by structur
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e or mere history. 当我们谈论社区时，我们同时谈论两个方面。 社区处于时空中,但它能超越时空而存在。社区体现为一定的空间,结构和现在，但它又超越了地点,并且不可能被仅仅局限于某种结构或历史。 Embodied Community社区的具体性
Every one of us needs community. Community arises spontaneously because of an innate sociality of the human condition. With relatively rare exceptions community has been the form of human associated life by which people have related throughout history. Your self cannot, in fact, reach its full realization in isolation, but only as you are nurtured, guided, and suffused with life of the community in which you exist. 我们每一个人都需要社区。由于人类所固有的社会性，社区就自然的产生了。除了相对罕见的特例,社区是与人类有关的生活方式,通过这种方式人们才在历史中互相有了联系。事实上,光靠你自己孤立的力量不可能实现自我的充分发展，只有当你在所生存的社区中被培养，教导，充分融入生活才能做到这一点。
Localized community needs to be embodied to have existence. In its purest sense, community is an arena of social interaction, a milieu of social relationships in which we engage one another at a time and in a place where we gather together. For many communities to have permanence, they often become identified with physical space that the community claims as its own. This could be a territory or a neighborhood that we identify with a name and includes homes, schools, and shops. Communities such as a local church, neighborhood, or ethnic or civil association often develop a structure or a form of association, infuse it with values, and derive meaning form it. The location or the structure becomes the embodiment of and symbolizes community. Thus it is appropriate to talk about community as a neighborhood or association that exists in space and time, that has permanence and structure. 区域化的社区需要被实现才能存在。 在最基本的定义里，社区是社会交际的舞台，是我们在某时或聚集在某地而形成的各种社会关系的环境.对许多能够持久的社区来说，它们通常因为拥有自己的地理范围而被人们所确认.这个地理范围可以是国家的领土,也可以是包括家庭、学校和商店的有自己名称的居民区. 诸如地方教会、居民区以及种族或市民协会的这样一个社区,经常会形成一个有着自己的价值观及相关意义系统的社区结构.社区就是通过所划分的地理范围的和所形成的社区结构来具体得到实现的.因此,把社区作为某居民区或协会来谈论是适当的,因为它们有固定结构和永久性,在时空中具体存在. Transcendent Community社区的超越性
Although a community can be found in a locality or be embodied by a structural form, community is never simple a static physical location that we inhabit, as social ecologists assert; nor is it merely a structure or mechanical process, as systems theorists suggest. Community is the act by which we engage one another, experience relationships, and become a people. Wherever humans exist, we spontaneously see
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k and form community. 虽然社区有一定地理范围或结构形式，但社区决不仅仅象社会生态学家所断言的那样,\是一个我们所居住的静止不变的地理区域\，也不仅仅是系统理论家所提出的\一个结构或机械的过程\社区是一种行为,通过这个行为我们互相交往，体验关系，并且成为一个民族。只要是有人类存在的地方，我们就会自发地寻找并形成社区。
Communities are an indelible component of the human condition, not relative to a particular historical era, place, or time. Neither are communities unique to one race, national, or cultural group. Community transcends history and cannot be contained by mere history. Deeply tooted in our nature, community may be said to be a universal human phenomenon, not contingent on circumstances. 社区是人类环境的一个不可或缺的组成部分.它并不是相对于特定的历史时代、地点或时间来说的,也不是专属于某一种族、民族或者文化组织的。社区超越历史，并且不可能仅仅被历史所包含。由于人类的天性使然,，社区可以说是一种人类的普遍现象，并非伴随某条件发生的偶然现象。
Community transcends location. As people in community move from place to place, we carry our community with us. When the nation of Israel was destroyed and most of her people were exiled to Babylon in 597 B.C. , they lost their land, but they never lost themselves, their community. They were then, and 2600 years later remain a people, a community, regardless of where they are located. 社区超越地点。当社区内的人们迁移时,社区也随之迁移。公元前597年,当以色列人的国家被摧毁，并且大多数人被放逐到巴比伦时,他们丧失了他们的土地，但他们未曾丧失自己以及他们的社区。不管他们生存在哪里.他们那时是,并且2600年后依然是一个民族和社区.
Community transcends its structure. The original group that called themselves “people of the Way” was a small association whose members met in the Temple as Jerusalem, in one another’s homes, and who owned everything in common. Christian churches today are far different from those original communities in the way they are structures and governed, and in the manner and language in which worship is conducted. Yet they remain communities untied in a common belief and heritage. 社区超越它的结构。最初,一个自称为“路上的人们”的小组是一个很小的协会,这个协会的成员共享一切,在耶路撒冷的圣殿或彼此的家里祭拜上帝. 现在的基督教会在结构和管理上以及祭拜的方式和语言上 ，与那些原始的社区远远不同。然而，他们仍然是同一个有着相同信仰和传统的松散的社区。
Community transcends time, a community exists before we were born and will live on after we die. We develop a shared memory and obtain a sense of ourselves by means of our common history together. The symbols and meaning that community incorporates, while origination in time, become timeless. 社区超越时间。一个社区在我们出生前就存在，并且会延续到我们死去之后。我们通过共同的历史来形成共同的记忆以及自我意识。社区所包含的象征和意义，虽然起源于时间，但会变得永恒。
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There is not just one model of community or one community ideal. Each community is a unique blending of the people of which it is composed. The many good communities that come into being add to the shape and texture of human existence. The more communities that develop, therefore, the more opportunities for us to explore alternative ways of being in the world, and different ways of achieving richness of character. 社区并非只有一个模式，也不存在某一理想的社区模式。每个社区都是其组成人民的独特的联合。许多成立的好社区丰富了人类存在的形式和结构。因此，建立越多社区，我们就会有更多机会来探索在世上生存的可能方式，同时也能探索使自己个性丰满的不同方式。
第八章
The Economic Perspective for the People’s Republic
of China
中国经济前景
With a strong performance in the trade sector after World Trade Organization accession, record inflow of foreign direct investment, and large fixed investment, the country continued its rapid economic expansion in 2002, recording one of its fastest rates in 5 years. Strong economic performance is expected to continue, though growth will slow slightly in 2003-2004. however, many challenges remain, including slow growth in rural incomes, the need to create jobs and an enabling environment for the private sector, growing disparities between the coastal and interior provinces, and financial sector weaknesses.随着加入WTO后贸易部门的强劲表现，创纪录的外国直接投资的流入，以及大量的固定资产投资，2002年，我国经济继续高速扩张，创下5年来最快的速度。强劲的经济表现可以期望继续下去，尽管2003-2004年增长速度将会稍慢。然而同时，许多挑战还存在，包括：农村收入增长缓慢，增加就业的需求，私营企业的需要更宽松的环境，沿海与内地省份的发展差距，以及金融部门的发展落后。
1. Macroeconomic Assessment宏观经济评估
GDP growth in PRC accelerated to 8% in 2002 from 7.3% in 2001, moving higher than 7.8% average of the previous 5 years. This higher than expected figure resulted from exports performing better than anticipated, surging foreign direct investment (FDI), and buoyant domestic demand. Expansionary fiscal and monetary policies also played a role.中国的GDP增长率从2001年的7.3%加速到2002年的8%，快于过去五年7.8%的平均水平。比预计的数字快是由于出口表现好于预期，外国直接投资（FDI）的涌入，以及活跃的国内需求。扩张性的财政与货币政策也扮演了角色。
Industry (including construction) was the key engine of economic growth, with value added accelerating to 9.9% in 2002 from 8.7% in 2001. electronic equipment, transportation equipment, and chemical pro
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ducts all did well. A surge in FDI and export growth resulted in the value added of the foreign-funded enterprises increasing by 13.3%. supported mainly by growth in transportation, telecommunications, and real estate, the services sector expanded by 7.3% in 2002 (though because of weaknesses in the statistical system, growth in this sector is probably underestimated). Despite a spring drought, agriculture sector performance improved slightly compared with the previous 2 years, Grain output, which dropped by 2.1% in 2001, rose by 1%.工业（包含建设）是经济增长的重要龙头，产值增长率从2001年的8.7%加速到2002年的9.9%。电子设备，交通运输，化学产业发展的都很好。FDI的涌入和出口的增长导致外资企业增长率达到13.3%。主要受交通运输业，电讯业，房地产业的增长支持，服务业部门在2002年增长了7.3%（由于统计方法的缺陷，这一部门的增长很可能被低估）。尽管受到春旱影响，农业部门的表现比过去两年稍有改善。谷物出口下降率2.1%,改善了1%。
A surge in fixed, asset investment, which grew by 16.1%, stimulated domestic demand. Private investment rose by 15.7% in the year, faster than in 2001. Across sectors, investment in real estate was particularly strong, registering a 21.9% increase in 2002, as housing reforms and more housing mortgage loans led to buoyant property market. Supported by the Government’s western region development strategy, investment in that region grew by 20.6, faster than in the central (20%) and eastern (16.2) regions.汹涌的固定资产投资增长了16.1%，刺激了国内需求。私营资本投资增长了15.7%，快于2001年。跨越各行业之间，房地产业的投资尤其强劲，2002年登记了21.9%的增长，因为住房改革和更多的住房抵押贷款带动资产市场的上扬。受政府的西部大开发发展战略的支持，西部投资增长了20.6%，快于中部的20%和东部的16.2%。
Domestic consumption strengthened by 8.8%. the steady growth in domestic spending was mainly driven by urban households,, which spent 10% more than in the previous year. Rural residents spending registered a 6.8% increase, reflecting the continued widening of urban-rural income disparities. Per capita urban disposable income grew by 13.4% in real terms to exceed CNY7700 ($928), while per capita real rural cash income increased by only 4.8% to reach CNY2476 ($298). The rapid increase in urban incomes triggered a purchasing boom for private cars, telecommunications equipment and houses grew by 69% and 39%, respectively.国内消费增长了8.8%。国内消费的平稳增长主要是由于城市居民家庭，他们比去年多支出了10%。农村居民消费增长了6.8%，反映了城乡居民收入差距的扩大在继续。每个城市居民实际的可分配收入增长了13.4%达到7700元，而每个农村居民现金收入只增长了4.8%达到2476元。城市居民收入的高速增长引发了对私人汽车、电信产品、住房的购买高潮。2002年，汽车进口增长了77%，通讯设备和住房分别增长了69%和39%。
As economic restructuring continued, employment in the state-owned sector an urban collectives continued decreasing. The number of em
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