5.How much coal did the non-public coal miners take up the annual coal output in Shanxi province last year? A. two thirds B. one third C. 70 percent D. a quarter Key: D C B D A
U14 If you know exactly what you want, the best route to a job is to get specialized training. A recent survey shows that companies like graduates in such fields as business and health care who can go to work immediately with very little on-the-job training.
That's especially true of booming fields that are challenging for workers. At Cornell's School of Hotel Administration, for example, bachelor's degree graduates get an average of four or five job offers with salaries ranging from the high teens to the low 20s and plenty of chances for rapid advancement. Large companies, especially, like a background of formal education coupled with work experience.
But in the long run, too much specialization doesn't pay off. Business, which has been flooded with MBAs, no longer considers the degree an automatic stamp of approval. The MBA may open doors and command a higher salary initially, but the impact of a degree washes out after five years.
As further evidence of the erosion (销蚀) of corporate(公司的) faith in specialized degrees, Michigan State’s Scheetz cites a pattern in corporate hiring practices, although companies tend to take on specialists as new hires, they often seek out generalists for middle and upper-level management. ―They want someone who isn’t constrained(限制)by nuts and bolts to look at the big picture, ‖says Scheetz.
This sounds suspiciously like a formal statement that you approve of the liberal-arts graduate. Time and again labor-market analysts mention a need for talents that liberal-arts majors are assumed to have: writing and communication skills, organizational skills, open-mindedness and adaptability, and the ability to analyze and solve problems, David Birch claims he does not hire anybody with an MBA or an engineering degree, ―I hire only liberal-arts people because they have a less-than-canned way of doing things,‖ says Birch. Liberal-arts means an academically thorough and strict program that includes literature, history, mathematics, economics, science, human behavior—plus a computer
course or two. With that under your belt, you can feel free to specialize, ―A liberal-arts degree coupled with an MBA or some other technical training is a very good combination in the marketplace,‖ says Scheetz.
1. What kinds of people are in high demand on the job market?
A) Students with a bachelor's degree in humanities. B) People with an MBA degree front top universities. C) People with formal schooling plus work experience. D) People with special training in engineering
2. By saying ―…but the impact of a degree washes out after five years‖ (Line 3, Para, 3), the author means ________.
A) most MBA programs fail to provide students with a solid foundation
B) an MBA degree does not help promotion to managerial positions
C) MBA programs will not be as popular in five years' time as they are now
D) in five people will forget about the degree the MBA graduates have got
3. According to Scheetz's statement (Lines 4-5. Para. 4), companies prefer ________. A) people who have a strategic mind B) people who are talented in fine arts
C) people who are ambitious and aggressive
D) people who have received training in mechanics 4. David Birch claims that he only hires liberal-arts people because ________.
A) they are more capable of handling changing situations B) they can stick to established ways of solving problems
C) they are thoroughly trained in a variety of specialized fields
D) they have attended special programs in management 5. Which of the following statements does the author support?
A) Specialists are more expensive to hire than generalists.
B) Formal schooling is less important than job training. C) On-the-job training is, in the long run, less costly. D) Generalists will outdo specialists in management. Key: C B A A D
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U15 FINE GAEL, Ireland's main opposition party, has a new leader. Having unceremoniously deposed John Bruton, a former prime minister, on January 31st, it quickly put in his place the man who had plotted his downfall, Michael Noonan. He is a skilled parliamentarian with wide ministerial experience, and a master of the quotable sound bite, not to say of the knife. But can he bring his party back to office?
Mr. Bruton had been ten years in the job, including 2 1/2 years at the head of a coalition government in the mid-1990s. He was a man of substance, but suffered, said party critics, from a \desire for power. But he inherits a demoralized party, unsure of its identity and role in Irish politics, and divided by the manner of his succession. He has not long to turn it round: a general election is due by June 2002, and the prime minister, Bertie Ahern, leader of Fianna Fail, may be tempted to call one sooner.
Part of Fine Gael's trouble has been an inability to distinguish itself from Fianna Fail. Fine Gael laid the foundations of the new Irish state in the 1920s. But Fianna Fail built it up and, having first taken office in 1932, has been in government for some 50 of the years since. Fine Gael has been out of office for most of the past 14 years. Both parties are essentially conservative and centrist, both rooted in the nationalist past. Their hostility goes back to the civil war that sprang up when nationalists split over the terms of the treaty that brought freedom from Britain. But the recent modernization of Irish society has made their similarities far bigger than their differences.
Both are catch-all parties, with support across all social classes, age groups and regions. Fianna Fail, however, is better at winning it. On social and moral issues, Fine Gael has usually shown itself readier for change than Fianna Fail, notably in such controversial areas as reform of the anti-contraception law and the legalization of divorce.
One or other party has served in every government since 1922. But never both together. That iron law of Irish politics, it seems, remains. Yet the political landscape is not what it was. After the 1989 election, Fianna Fail accepted coalition with minor parties as the price of power. Since then it has swung according to its partners: centre-right, centre-left and now, since 1997, right again with the Progressive Democrats. Fine Gael must link up with Labor if it wants power. No wonder Mr. Noonan's first step as leader was to make noises about social justice. 1. In the opening paragraph, the author introduces his topic by______. A. posing a contrast
B. justifying an assumption C. presenting a doubt
D. explaining a phenomenon
2. ―The manner‖ of the 2nd paragraph refers to _______. A. Noonan’s mastering of the quotable sound bite B. his power desire C. too substantial
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D. Charisma deficit
3. Michael Noonan became the leader of FINE GAEL through_______. A. rebellion B. coalition C. election D. negotiation
4. It can be inferred from the text that______.
A. there is still some time to change FINE GAEL’s image
B. Fianna Fail and FINE GAEL will have a large difference in many aspects C. it is hopeful Fianna Fail probably win the election
D. Fianna Fail, like FINE GAEL, is also conservative and reformist 5. What can we infer from the passage?
A. FINE GAEL built the foundations of the England at the beginning. B. Who will form the next government is unclear. C. FINE GAEL is less influential than its rival.
D. FINE GAEL governed the Irish State longer than Fianna Fail. Key: C B A C B
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